How does film-induced tourism affect a country town?
Lights, Camera Re-Action.
Lecturer, School of Tourism and Hospitality La Trobe University
PO Box 6044, Shepparton, Victoria, Australia3632
email: s.beeton@latrobe.edu.au
Abstract
Tourism is seen by many as having positive economic and social benefits, and many regional governments are looking towards tourism to limit (and at times turn around) the rural decline they are experiencing. However, this may not be the case, particularly in situations where the community itself has not actively pursued tourism, but rather has it "thrust upon them" by councils, government or external commercial interests. Such a situation can occur where tourism has been induced by the filming of a popular movie or television series in a region or town - the actual increase of visitors after filming is of little interest to those who produced and promoted it. The purpose of this study was to consider the influence of film-induced tourism on a rural community, in this case the fishing and summer holiday village of Barwon Heads in southern Australia.
The study found that there were strongly held opinions on the varying benefits (or not) of increased tourism to the town from being featured in a popular television series. It was possible to establish that some opinions were held by people with similar attributes such as length of residency in the town and perceived importance of tourism to the town, enabling identification of a series of identifiable clusters of people within the community. A warning is sounded on the possibility of disenfranchisement of certain clusters within the community hitherto unremarked as a single group, such as the over 40 years-old male population who appear to be ignoring the film-induced tourism phenomenon to their detriment if the main representations of other clusters (such as increased tourism, property values and crowding) are legitimate.
Note: This paper makes considerable use of material from work presented by the author at the 31st Travel and Tourism Research Association Conference, “Lights, Camera, Action: Spotlight on Tourism in the New Millennium”, June 11-14, 2000, Burbank, California
Introduction
The decline of country towns in the 1990s proved to be one of the most important social phenomena of that decade. In fact, smaller Australian country towns (with populations under 2000) have been in trouble since the coming of mass car ownership in the 1950s and 1960s. With the rise of supermarket chains and the rationalisation of banks – most marked in the 1980s and 1990s – many medium sized regional centres (4,000 to 10,000 plus) have grown at the expense of smaller towns.
In order to halt (or at least reduce ) the current rate of rural decline, many country towns have been tempted to embrace a tourism-led revamping of their image and sometimes even of their self-esteem. Many of Australia's country towns boast a connection with a folk heritage, often derived from literary associations such as the works of Lawson, Paterson and Wright, among others. Cultural representations through literary associations have become increasingly important in tourist promotion throughout the world, from the British Tourism Authority’s (BTA) promotion of Burns Country and Bronte Country through to Canada and Anne of Green Gables. This has now expanded into other popular media, in particular film, with a 'Movie Map' developed by the Australian Film Commission in the 1990s, showing the sites of films from Ned Kelly to Man from Snowy River and Babe.
Persuasive economic arguments have been presented regarding the money and jobs brought to a town or region during the filming process, such as US$21m and 183 full-time jobs to Illinois during the filming of A Thousand Acres (Anon, 1998). There is ample anecdotal evidence that tourists soon follow, looking for the sites, people, experiences and even fantasies portrayed by the film. Film producers, in general, have little concern for the impacts of film-induced tourism, and once they have completed their on-site filming, they leave. Not surprisingly, there is no evidence of initial site selection being based on any long term community impacts. An example of how such a lack of concern can backfire is illustrated in the case of Baywatch where the residents of the site chosen in Australia for the series (Avalon Beach, north of Sydney) protested vehemently against the series, and eventually the producers chose to film the new series in Hawaii. Coincidentally, the Hawaiian Tourism Authority, in its first ever Strategic Tourism Plan, has identified encouraging filming in the state as one of its key tourism promotion strategies (Hawaii Tourism Authority, 1999).
While some attention has been paid to how regions and countries capitalise on film images in destination marketing campaigns by researchers such as Riley, Van Doren, Tooke and Baker (for example, Riley et al, 1998; Tooke and Baker, 1996), much less research has focussed on the impact of image and film-induced tourism on the localities and their attendant communities. An influx of visitors is not always welcome or advantageous, with many country towns unsuited to supporting the concomitant tourism growth because of limited infrastructure, facilities and services. In most cases the local community did not seek to be the site for the filming, yet they are left to cope with the consequences of increased traffic, crowding and pollution. A pertinent example of this is the town of Goathland (the town portrayed as Aidensfield in the English TV series Heartbeat) where it was found that although the township of 200 residents had up to 1.1 million annual visitors, hoteliers were experiencing lower occupancy levels than prior to the success of the series (Demetriadi, 1996). This small country town had been a quiet tourist retreat, now found itself repositioned as a significant day visitor attraction. Consequently, there has been a fundamental change in the nature of the village and its relationship with visitors, which has become more resentful due to crowding and the loss of opportunities for the local community to use its own facilities. Such dramatic changes beg the questions, “who should be responsible for such significant developments”, “will film producers consider the long-term impact of their decisions, or are their own economic imperatives too strong”, and “how does the local community respond to such dramatic changes”? It is the last of these questions that form the basis of this paper.
The paper focuses on community research at Barwon Heads, a small coastal town in southern Australia, which is the setting for the television series, Sea Change. The series’ popularity appears to stem from the viewers' desire for the simple qualities of life represented by the small town rural idyll portrayed in the series. Community attitudes and tourism shifts induced by the series are being traced and examined. The aim of the research is to identify the various attributes of those within the community holding similar attitudes and representations towards film-induced tourism and to provide contextual comment as well as community planning and management recommendations. This paper considers residents’ relationship to the town and film-induced tourism within the context of a case study. Further methodological discussions follows in the Research section of the paper.
THE CASE: From ‘Barwon Heads, Village by the Sea’ to ‘Barwon Heads, the Home of Sea Change’
Barwon Heads, a rural fishing, surfing and holiday town south east of Geelong in Victoria, Australia, has been a popular holiday destination for Melburnians for some decades. According to the City of Greater Geelong’s Economic Development Unit, the visitor accommodation base of Barwon Heads is heavily concentrated in caravan parks and holiday homes, with a capacity for 2,490 overnight visitors in holiday homes, 2,620 in caravan parks and 60 in hotels, motels and units. With a total of 5,170 overnight beds available, the town has only a marginally smaller overnight visitor capacity than the higher-profile resort town of Lorne with 5,820 overnight beds; however the mix is different with Lorne having 1,020 beds in hotels, motels and units, compared with Barwon Heads’ 60 (City of Greater Geelong, 1999). The preponderance of holiday homes and caravan park spaces at Barwon Heads reflects the current nature of the town’s overnight tourism market (including longer stays), which is predominantly families holidaying in the town regularly, usually annually.
Any increase in accommodation and commercial tourism development has the potential to dramatically change the nature and visual landscape of Barwon Heads, particularly if more motels, units, marinas, or even condominiums are built to service the high yield visitor. A change in the type of accommodation base may also alter the visitor demographic, impacting on this significant holiday-home rental and camp-ground markets.
The Sea Change Phenomenon
The 13 part series based on a stressed-out city lawyer moving to a small seaside town to “rediscover” herself and her children, Sea Change, went to air on ABC TV in Australia in May 1998. The first series was extremely successful, consistently rating in the 20s, attracting up to 1,715,000 viewers across Australia's main cities. Filming of a second series commenced in November 1998, going to air in March 1999. The second series has been even more popular than the first, becoming Australia’s most popular drama series, attracting over 2,279,000 viewers in the five capital cities by the end of the second series – the ABC’s highest rating since the introduction of the peoplemeter system in 1991 (The Age, 23 September, 1999).
Fans of the program have been visiting Barwon Heads, the site of the program's fictitious Pearl Bay to view the main sites of the show, namely the Beach House where one of the main characters, Laura, lives and Fisherman's Wharf, Diver Dan's (the romantic lead in the first series) residence as well as the bridge that dominates the town and series. There has been a headlong rush in the media for information on the area, from camping magazines such as On the Road, to the high-circulation (1,128,859) Royal Auto magazine, countless daily news articles from the local Geelong Advertiser to state (The Age) and national (The Australian) dailies as well as radio and television. Such articles have not only helped to promote Barwon Heads as "Pearl Bay", but also generally support and promote the fictional on-screen image of the region. The Barwon Heads Bridge was nominated by The Age Green Guide staff as third in the top 20 TV spots in Victoria behind Ramsay Street (Neighbours) and the Pt Cook Horizon Tank as seen in Moby Dick (The Age Green Guide, 28 January, 1999). The Internet also boasts a burgeoning number of Sea Change fan sites, such as the Yahoo! SC Club, Parr’s SeaChange Page and Kirsty Champion’s SeaChange Page (complete with story and photographs of her Sea Change trip to Barwon Heads).
The site of Barwon Heads as the “home of Sea Change” has also been immortalised in Melbourne’s major street directory, Melways, with a comment in red lettering reading, “Barwon Heads Township is the site used by the new ABC TV program Sea Change” (Melways, 1998, p.233). This is the only film site noted in the directory, with not even Ramsay Street in Vermont rating a mention as the site for the popular soap opera, Neighbors, which brings copious numbers of English tourists to the suburban landscape of eastern Melbourne.
Changes following Sea Change
During the September school holidays in 1999, this researcher stayed in the beach house used as Laura’s residence in the series and was continually subjected to amateur photographers snapping their own version of paradise and visitors running up onto the verandah to peer through the windows. It was at this time that park management (the cottage is part of the Barwon Caravan Park) erected notices that read, “Visitors are requested to respect the privacy of the beach house residents”. Park management expressed concern over the privacy invasions that were being experienced and suggested that they may need to eventually fence off the site, which may not only impact on public access to the foreshore walk, but also on the value of other river-frontage sites currently occupied by campers. It was also observed that campers adjacent to the cottage were being imposed on by the increasing number of visitors wishing to view and photograph the cottage and its surrounds.
The main street shopping strip has altered dramatically over the past 12 months (since the commencement of the Sea Change phenomenon). The town previously had shops vacant and closing down, in particular the green grocer, butcher and baker. These shops have not re-opened, but as of January 2000 all shop-fronts were occupied, with the main shopping precinct now boasting a predominance of tourist services as opposed to general services. There are now 4 cafés, a bar and restaurant, a second-hand book shop, gift shop (relocated from Point Lonsdale), Indonesian import shop, 2 fish and chip shops, a take-away chicken shop, 2 surf shops and an art gallery. Of these, one of the surf shops, two of the coffee shops, the gift shop, book shop, chicken shop, bar and restaurant have all opened in the past 12 months. For general services such as banking, hardware supplies and large supermarket shopping residents and visitors (particularly the self-catering budget holiday-maker) to the area required to travel to Ocean Grove, some 5 kilometers away.
Real estate values have increased dramatically since the initial screening of the series, however this may not be totally attributable to Sea Change per se. According to local real estate agents, the buoyant economy, recovery from a major regional investment failure with the Pyramid Building Society and low interest rates create a favourable buying environment throughout the region (Bodey, 1999). However, it is recognised that the high prices now being seen for residences in Barwon Heads has been driven by the Sea Change syndrome, with cheap houses disappearing off the market (Keenan, 1999).
Research - Community Responses To Film-Induced Tourism
Methodology
For a broad-ranging, psychologically complex field such as film-induced tourism, there is no one suitable research method. In order to obtain a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon in a community context, optional methods must be considered and used in conjunction with each other, which may include experiments and surveys through to histories and ethnographies as well as case studies which themselves may incorporate any or all of the preceding methods. Researchers in allied social science disciplines such as psychology, anthropology and sociology utilise a range of research methods that can be applied to tourism, depending on the type of research question and the control the researcher has over events and behaviour. The information-rich, methodologically varied, inter-related nature of the case study is one such methodology. When it incorporates other methodologies such as social representations theory, the case study becomes a powerful, reliable, illuminating methodology.
In a brief discussion of case study methodology in the tourism field, Pizam notes the importance of recognising the need to be cautious when utilising them as he considers many to be singular instances that may provide misleading evidence when generalised, even with multiple cases (Pizam, 1994). Apart from this brief note from Pizam (which, unfortunately, he does not expand upon) and other limited work from tourism academics such as Hall & Jenkins (Hall and Jenkins, 1995), there has not been sufficient methodological discussion of the case study in the tourism literature, raising questions regarding academic rigour and the understanding of the benefits and limitations of this particular methodology in tourism research to date. Nonetheless, case studies are used extensively in tourism research and teaching with varying degrees of success, depending on the academic rigour applied and their original intention (as entertainment, instructional or research cases).
Over the past two decades, numerous tourism studies have considered communities on a broad scale, focussing on broadly-based communities, considering relatively homogenous community attitudes towards tourism development issues, notably the pioneering work of Murphy in 1981, and Pizam in 1978 (Murphy, 1981; Pizam, 1978). However, greater sophistication of individual clusters within communities has given rise to the influence of multiple groups within a given community. As to be expected, some of these interest groups (or stakeholders) maintain different values, attitudes and viewpoints from others and have at times created an imbalance in the power base of communities. Such increased power of these groups has tended to mask the disenfranchised, weaker and less vocal community members.
In their monograph, Tourism Community Relationships, Pearce, Moscardo and Ross build on Murphy’s macro-based work by introducing the concept of social representation as a means to understand micro-community relationships regarding tourism. They present their case for the application of social representation theory to tourism community research in a compelling manner, providing examples from their own research as well as building on recognised earlier work demonstrating that social representations have been utilised in one form or another for some time (Pearce et al, 1996). Community attitudes and interactions are dynamic, and in turn require a dynamic, evolving vision from any researcher or student of tourism and community interdependence. According to Pearce et al, the dynamics within the theory of social representation provide a method to consider individual attitudes (or representations) within communities in the first instance, then groups them according to similarities, such as other representations or demographics. This process is contrary to the current practice of identifying community groups through arbitrary means that have been established by past researchers, then looking for their attitudes. Pearce et al’s adaptation of social representation theory enables a more comprehensive examination of communities at the micro level (Pearce et al, 1996). Being driven and defined by the subjects (in this case, the local community), social representation is an emic form of study, providing the actors the opportunity to drive the research, rather than the researcher prescribing (and at time proscribing) the investigative path. In addition, in-depth analysis of small communities can provide a sound basis for the development of broader, more complex tourism models on a larger scale, illuminating aspects that may become buried in larger studies.
Research Design
Pearce et al describe a three staged approach to identify and establish social representations of a community. The first stage is to look for a commonality or consensus among the respondents, followed by locating the connections between tourism impacts and related ideas. The final stage is to locate a central cluster or core of images that portray the social representation (Pearce et al, 1996). In other words, by identifying individual concerns and the intensity of these concerns, a list of priorities and levels of importance can be established and groups identified through conducting cluster analysis. The connections, once identified, can be incorporated into an overall case study, resulting in a holistic study. Social representations theory provides a sound framework from which to study the development of community attitudes and reactions towards Sea Change induced tourism and development at Barwon Heads. The community research process was to:
1. Develop a self-administered questionnaire which included open-ended questions that permit unstructured, unprompted responses, allowing social representations to be expressed. Further demographic and closed questions provided a contextual basis for the representations.
2. Distribute to all 800 households in the town with an anticipated response rate of around 20 percent due to the extensive holiday-home rental market (the town has a 3,490 bed capacity in holiday homes (City of Greater Geelong, 1998)).
3. Conduct the study in Barwon Heads during the shoulder period, just after the peak summer holiday season, which was identified as early March, 2000.
The results have been used to identify community issues surrounding tourism in general and Sea Change film-induced tourism in particular, which will in turn be studied in more depth through a series of focus groups and personal interviews. Clusters of those with similar representations have been distinguished, and initial findings have thrown up some exciting and pertinent community representations.
Findings
The series of open-ended questions in the questionnaire provides a rich source of attitudinal information which has been distinguished by identifying recurring themes, with the most pertinent included in Table 1 below. While over 170 responses had been received at the time of writing (representing a response rate of 21 percent), the sample size in this instance was limited to 100 in the table below in order to obtain indicative results to inform the next research stage of focus groups and personal interviews. All comments were unprompted responses to open-ended questions, therefore those that attracted similar remarks were considered within the context of the research aim. Selected comments that received a favorable number of corresponding responses as well as resonating with anecdotal data have been included in the following analysis.
Table 1. Film-induced issues affecting residents of Barwon Heads (N = 100)
|
|
|
Average Residency (years) |
|
|
Tourism in Top 3 Preferred Industries |
|
POSITIVE |
|||||||
Benefits for business. Upgrading of shops. Increased employment |
20-39 13 |
M 13 |
11.4 |
16 |
30 |
21 |
36 |
Increased tourism |
20-39 8 |
M 9 |
12.5 |
13 |
21 |
15 |
26 |
Increase property values (positive) |
20-39 5 |
M 7 |
6.9 |
8 |
14 |
10 |
18 |
Put Barwon Heads on the map. Sea Change raises profile of the town |
20-39 6 |
M 4 |
8.2 |
9 |
18 |
11 |
18 |
Increased pride of residents |
20-39 1 |
M 0 |
5 |
1 |
5 |
4 |
5 |
NEUTRAL |
|||||||
Great place as it is – retain “village by the sea”. Careful, sensitive planning required |
20-39 15 |
M 13 |
10.4 |
18 |
37 |
21 |
41 |
NEGATIVE |
|||||||
Crowding/congestion |
20-39 12 |
M 9 |
8.1 |
15 |
31 |
15 |
35 |
Barwon Heads is not Pearl Bay. It’s delusional. Sea Change tourists disappointed. Flash in the pan. |
20-39 4 |
M 11 |
9.4 |
9 |
16 |
8 |
18 |
Increased property values - rental etc. (negative) |
20-39 3 |
M 2 |
12.3 |
3 |
5 |
2 |
7 |
Some of the more engaging responses that make up potential social representation clusters from Table 1 include the high level of recognition of the economic benefits of Sea Change for local businesses with a 36% response rate from across all age groups, whereas only 18% viewed the raising of the profile of the town as a benefit, with 5% stating that the series brought increased pride to the community. However, during informal conversations in the town over the past two years, pride in the Sea Change phenomenon has been demonstrable at all levels from traders through to their local customers, school children and residents. Such a focus on economic gain, combined with the limited recognition of socio-cultural benefits supports the prevailing economic rationalist stance of western democratic thought. The “people in the street” appear to have adopted similar measures of community and personal well-being as other economic positivists (particularly all levels of government), ignoring aspects of civic engagement, community pride and a sense of achievement as community health indicators. Nevertheless, it is precisely the more intangible community indicators that are being considered by social researchers and planners who have recognised the limitations of assessing communities purely on economic grounds. An example of this is the broad range of benchmarks established by the Oregon Progress Board for their Oregon Shines Project which is being used extensively in Australia as a basis for establishing community indicators (Oregon Progress Board, 1999). These include economic performance, education, civic engagement, social support, public safety, community development and environment.
The need for sensitive planning, however, is high on the agenda of Barwon Heads residents, with 41% stating the need to preserve what the town has and plan carefully for the future. This representation appears to cross all groups, expressing the overall desire to maintain the town’s “Village by the Sea” atmosphere. While this has the largest response, there is some disagreement as to what should be preserved and how, requiring further breakdown of this group into smaller representation clusters.
A further significant response is the recognition of the positive aspects of increased tourism as a benefit of the Sea Change series. This attitude is held by 26% of the respondents with one of the longest average residencies of 12.5 years. This concurs with anecdotal evidence that longer term residents recognise the benefits of increased business (in this case through tourism), while the more recent residents who may have moved to the area because of its inherent quiet lifestyle, do not wish to see it changed. This is also supported by the high response (35%) of shorter term residents who cited crowding and congestion as an issue since Sea Change with a relatively low average of 8.1 years.
According to viewer figures provided by the ABC, the main group of fans of Sea Change are women, particularly in the over 40 age group, with 710,000 female viewers over 40 in metropolitan areas as opposed to 536,000 men in the same grouping tuning in to the final episode of the second series in 1999 (Australian Broadcasting Corporation, 1999). A smaller, yet significant correlation within the Barwon Heads community can be seen in the male-female breakdown within each statement. Most statements have a higher female representation, which is to be anticipated with the gender breakdown of respondents being 65 percent women and 35 percent men. (According to the 1996 census figures, Barwon Heads has a population of 45 percent men and 52 percent women (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 1997).) The only statement that registered a higher male response was, “Barwon Heads is not Pearl Bay; it’s delusional; Sea Change tourists will be disappointed; it’s just a flash in the pan”, with 31 percent of male respondents taking this stance, compared with 11 percent of the women. This certainly raises the possibility that this is a reflection of an overriding gender difference which, combined with a more neutral male attitude to viewing the series and the impact on the village ambience (that 37 percent of the male respondents so prize), could result in unforeseen consequences impacting on this group. This cluster, with its “head in the sand” representation may become disenfranchised and resentful if the negative aspects of crowding and increase of film-induced visitors occur as they have in other towns such as Goathland.
Increased property prices have been identified as both a positive and negative aspect of film-induced tourism by two distinct clusters, with 18 percent viewing it as a positive aspect and a further 7 percent considering it to be negative, particularly in terms of rental prices. In both representations, the majority of respondents were home owners, with the average length of residency differentiating the clusters. Those who viewed increased property values as a positive outcome had a low average residency rate of 6.9 years, while those who considered it to be negative had almost double that rate, with an average of 12.3 years’ residency. This could reflect the newer residents’ attitude towards property investment and mobility (thereby benefiting from increased property values when selling), whereas the longer residents have taken on the decision to settle in the area and are not interested in capital gain through their property.
APPLICATION OF RESULTS
Development of a model of social representations in a community can provide tourism professionals and policy makers with a relevant planning tool that can be broadly applied. The patterns that have been noted above provide the opportunity to identify seven clusters with similar social representations and conjunct aspects. They have been labeled based on their over-riding stance, such as “Good for Traders”, “Flash in the Pan”, “Good for Tourism”, “Good for Property Sales”, “Bad for Property Purchase”, “Don’t Crowd Me”, “Steady as she Goes!”. The model below has taken these seven stances and posits possible social representation clusters on a three dimensional axis of average length of residency, ex-city dweller and listing tourism as a preferred industry (in the top three). These representations and their clusters will be explored in-depth during focus group studies, however, even at this stage they provide some interesting material for consideration.
The model aptly illustrates that statements 1 and 4 (“Good for Traders” and “Steady as She Goes”) have similar representations, while all the others are spread throughout the model, with the aforementioned “Flash in the Pan” (or “head in the sand”) cluster standing out very much on their own, supporting the above discussion. The three negative statements, represented by points 5, 6 and 7 are placed in quite different space from the positive 1, 2 and 3 statements, suggesting that there is a definite division between those who consider film-induced tourism a benefit to the town and those who do not, especially in terms of length of residency in the town and whether they originally came from an urban environment.
Figure 1. Social Representations regarding Film-Induced Tourism within clusters of the Barwon Heads Community
Local and regional tourism associations, film producers and community representatives have all expressed interest in the results of this work, and will no doubt use them to support everything from new investment decisions to demands that the town be reclaimed by its permanent residents, rather than being overrun by day-trippers. However, where the results come into their own is as a community planning tool for future filming locations. It is imperative that considerations beyond immediate economic benefits be considered by communities (and their councils) considering filming in their region. Already the Sea Change research indicates aspects that have the potential to divide and destroy the community as it is today, such as differing attitudes towards economic development, costs of living, crowding and increased pride and amenities.
Conclusion
Tracing the relationship between film and tourism is problematic as in most cases the popularity of a film is unclear until well after it has been released, which can be too late for research into its tourism impacts. Hence instances of film-induced tourism usually rely on anecdotal evidence, and many aspects of film-induced tourism have not been adequately researched, studied and analysed. Only a handful of researchers outside the advocacy tourism groups are attempting to unravel the complexities of film-induced tourism, including the aforementioned Riley, Van Doren, Tooke and Baker.
In the past, film-induced tourism has been incidental to the film itself, with little consideration given to the long term effects filming may have on a community, particularly in the more vulnerable rural regions. While such tourism can provide significant economic fillip to a community, especially in a marginalised rural area, the community may not be prepared or willing to deal with the changes associated with film-induced tourism. With less government intervention in local community issues and needs, the increased pressure on individuals to take on community responsibilities places community well-being at the forefront of their issues. A divided community with powerful, disenfranchised clusters will not operate in the best interests of that community. Issues such as future development, crowding and congestion, increasing real estate values, community pride and economic benefits must be considered in conjunction with each other as well as the “head in the sand” attitudes of those who hope it will go away and leave them as before. By recognising and considering the potential costs and benefits of film-induced tourism the community has the potential to use the benefits to strengthen it and ameliorate the costs. Such a solution may appear simplistic, which it is certainly not – the complexities of the communities in which we live, play and work are increasing, not decreasing. Research paradigms such as those introduced in social representation theory provide an opportunity to develop our understanding of community processes in relation to film-induced tourism.
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